 Anjelika Mamytova's report offers an unusually detailed look into the unsatisfactory election standards and unhealthy conditions that have interfered with the women's ability to participate equally in the latest parliamentary election campaign in Kyrgyzstan.
Introduction: Gender Questions in Kyrgyzstan
Kyrgyz law states that "All persons in the Kyrgyz Republic shall be
equal before the law and the court. No-one shall be subject to any type
of discrimination, violation of his rights and freedoms, on the grounds
of ethnic origin, sex, race, nationality, language, religious belief,
or other conditions or circumstances of a personal or social
nature". During the Soviet period, improving women's level of
education and facilitating their participation in the public sphere was
emphasized, resulting in almost equal numbers of highly educated men
and women. Additionally, since 2001, the Women's Party of Kyrgyzstan
and roughly 86 female-based NGOs have been present in the country.
From a legislative and statistical point of view, it is possible to
argue that women play a significant role in the political life of the
country. However, an analysis of the 2005 parliamentary elections and
the presence of women NGOs has highlighted the misconception that
Kyrgyzstani women are active in the political and public sphere:
the figures do not reflect reality. In fact, V. Katargin
emphasises that "women in Kyrgyzstan do not often know about their
voting rights, particularly in more distant regions of the country.
This is mainly why representatives of the weaker sex are so rare in
higher politics. And this may not be altered by the upcoming
elections."
Analysis of the Gender Aspect of the 2005 Parliamentary Elections in Kyrgyzstan
The results of the 2005 parliamentary elections have revealed a failure
from the point of view of gender equality. D. Karimov's article,
"Politics is no place for a woman" points out that "Out of 38
female candidates in the parliamentary elections, only three have
progressed to the second round … although during the previous elections
there were seven." Karimov further argues that "in the case of
the Jogorku Kenesh [Kyrgyz parliament], there doesn't appear to be any
women this time. In the future, the country can forget about laws that
will be gentle and include interests of family and children."
Furthermore, in the 2005 parliamentary elections, only 38 of 397
candidates were women, constituting a mere 9.5 percent. Of the 38
female candidates, three women were preliminarily elected to the Kyrgyz
Parliament, only one of whom is left in the parliament today.
Thus, in the contemporary Kyrgyz Parliament, women comprise only 1.3%
of the deputies. During the 2001 parliamentary elections, seven women
were elected to the Jogorku Kenesh when there were 105 seats available,
equal to female representation of 6.6 per cent. Currently women occupy
approximately 11.7% of parliamentary seats world-wide. Meanwhile in
Kyrgyzstan the number of women in parliament has fallen even further
from the 2001 figure of 6.6 per cent.
Considering that the majority of the electorate in Kyrgyzstan are
women, it is easy to agree with Karimov's conclusion that "it seems to
be a male's prerogative to take crucial decisions in the republic,
despite the international support, originating programs trying to bolster women's participation".
Diagram 1: Number of female candidates by region in the 2005 parliamentary elections in Kyrgyzstan
 As is evident from Diagram 1 the largest number of female candidates by
regional division was found in the capital, Bishkek. Out of the total
of 38 female candidates standing for seats in the Jogorku Kenesh,
throughout the whole country 15 female candidates were balloting for
election in Bishkek.
Moreover, as the following table shows, all three successful female
candidates ran their campaigns in Bishkek, rather than in remote areas
of the country, which may be due to the fact that traditional
stereotypes about the role of women are more prevalent than in the
capital. Thus, traditionally, a woman's place is seen to be in the
home, with the notion of her entering politics seen as unacceptable.
Table 1: Female Deputies in the Jogorku Kenesh, 2005
|
Name
|
Votes received (absolute)
|
Votes received (percent)
|
Electoral district
|
|
Akaeva, B.
|
7622
|
45,51%
|
University district, Bishkek
|
|
Sadybakasova, Sh.
|
6460
|
37,61%
|
Asanbai district,Bishkek
|
|
Bezborodova, O.
|
3385
|
no data
|
Kurulushskii district,
Bishkek
|
Such damaging stereotypes concerning Kyrgyzstan's women are closely
correlated with historical milestones. During the pre-Soviet era,
before Russians were established in the region, Kyrgyz society had
developed around a distinctive political-administrative structure,
primarily based upon independent family and tribal associations. The
traditional culture of the Kyrgyz people was also based on a nomadic
lifestyle, where people lived in the mountains and herded sheep and
goats. During that time, Islam was the dominant religion, but it
manifested itself as part of the traditional lifestyle rather than a
religion. Therefore the role of women was seen to be within the private
sphere and the family: it was assumed at that time that a woman could
not work outside the home without her husband's consent.
After the establishment of contact with the Tsarist Russian Empire, the
Russian population that arrived in Central Asia did not attempt to
assimilate into or intervene in the local culture. Only in 1917, with
the beginning of the Bolshevik's radical rule, did the so-called
'cultural revolution' take place in Central Asia. This had a
profoundly liberating influence on the lives of Soviet women. Women in
the Soviet Union obtained the right to vote and be elected; they
enjoyed equal rights to education and paid employment. They were also
encouraged to participate in party cells and political activism at
their place of work or study. The fact that traditional female roles
and responsibilities hindered women's full and equal participation in
political, economic, and social life was recognized by the new Soviet
rulers. Women were granted rights to maternity leave, nursing breaks,
and provided with employment-linked childcare facilities, which were
vastly superior to those which had existed prior to the revolution, as
well as to those enjoyed by women in other countries at that
time.
After the break up of Soviet Union, due to economic crisis and the
closure of public services, women were amongst the first to suffer from
the industrial, educative and medical cut-backs. As well as an
increasing feminization of poverty, higher levels of both official and
informal (or "hidden") unemployment, there was a dramatic decrease in
female political representation, which occurred as a result of the
removal of quotas and the introduction of a more 'democratic' electoral
system. The political representation of women in state agencies fell
tenfold from 40 per cent to 4 per cent. Moreover, the ideology of new
Kyrgyzstani nation-state has included the revival of old Kyrgyz
traditions and Islamic culture, which has lead to the re-establishment
of restrictive stereotyping of women within the private sphere.
CONCLUSION
With respect to the results of the 2005 parliamentary elections and
possible contributing factors, it is essential to stress the need for a
more progressive approach to equality in Kyrgyzstan. More work is
required by women's NGOs in the republic, especially in rural and
southern areas of Kyrgyzstan. Increased information and support for
women's interests and the protection of women's rights are but a few
avenues to be explored. In addition, the issue of the success of the
entire gender equality campaign is contingent upon on activating women
in the political sphere, even though it may be difficult to convey this
point to the state authorities. The key to involving women's
organizations in politics in Kyrgyzstan is convincing the state to take
notice of and respect women's organizations and women's issues. This is
a two-fold process. The first process involves educating women,
particularly those in rural and southern regions, at the grass-roots
level and the creation of greater interest in gender issues amongst the
general public. However, this process will be difficult unless there is
also improved representation of women at the "top". Hence the second
process entails improving female participation at the top, namely in
the political sphere.
It is essential to remember that while these two processes require
long-term development, traditionalist patriarchal trends that are
developing in Kyrgyzstan are working against these processes,
especially the polygamy system which is already widespread, though
illegal, in southern regions of Kyrgyzstan. Moreover, the former
parliament of the Kyrgyz Republic submitted a law on polygamy for
consideration on two occasions. In light of this and similar
social trends, it is necessary to address the issue of women's
participation in politics as soon as possible.
Anjelika Mamytova is
currently enrolled in graduate studies at the Department of Political
Science at Stockholm University (Sweden). She is also interning at the
'Narcotics, Organized Crime and Security in Eurasia' project with the
Silk Road Studies project at Uppsala University (Sweden) and the
Foundation of Women Forum (Stockholm, Sweden). In addition, she has a
first-hand academic and professional expertise on Central Asia.
Mamytova holds a B.A. in Political
Science from Stockholm University. She's taken several courses on the
foundation of liberty, provided by the Institute of Humane Studies
(George Mason University, USA). Her publications include research
reports at the Institute of Silk Road Studies (Uppsala University,
Weden).
Her specialization covers issues of
civil society, gender questions, and security in Central Asia and
post-communist commonwealth. She is a grant taker of the OSCE
(Organization of Security in Central Europe), INTAS; NIAS (Nordic
Institute of Asian Studies), Collegium for Development Studies and the
Yaldigar Foundation.
Bibliography:
Anderson, J. (1999) Kyrgyzstan : Central Asia's Island of Democracy?, Amsterdam : Harwood Academic Publishers
Ashwin , S. (2000) Gender, State and Society in Soviet and Post-Soviet Russia, London: Routledge
Karimov, D. (2005) "Politics is no business for a woman" / "Ne jenskoe
eto delo - politika" in Vechernii Bishkek 02.03.2005 No. 40 (8714)
Katargin, V, (2005), "Existing Stereotypes in Kyrgyz Society Hinder
Representatives of the Beautiful Sex from Building a Career in High
Politics"/ "Sushestvuyushie v Kirgizskom obshchestve stereotipy
meshaiyut predstavitelnitsam prekrasnogo pola delat karieru v bolshoi
politike" in Gazeta.kg 16.02.2005.
Mamytova, A. (2004) "Women Participation in Kyrgyzstan: Precondition to
Democratic Development" in , Romana Careja (ed.) Stumbling But
Struggling: Political Opposition in Four Post-Soviet Countries, Moscow
: Strategy Publishing House
List of candidates for the 2005 parliamentary elections in the Kyrgyz
Republic, provided by the Central Elections Commission of the Kyrgyz
Republic.
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